Anomalous Verbs — Present Indicative (beon, willan, don, gan)
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Anomalous Verbs — Present Indicative (bēon, willan, dōn, gān)
Historical Grammar
CHAPTER XXII.
REMAINING VERBS; VERB-PHRASES WITH habban, bēon, AND weorðan.
Anomalous Verbs. (See § 19.)
These are:
bēon (wesan), wæs, wǣron, —, to be.
willan, wolde, woldon, —, to will, intend.
dōn, dyde, dydon, gedōn, to do, cause.
gān, ēode, ēodon, gegān, to go.
NOTE.—In the original Indo-Germanic language, the first person of the present indicative singular ended in (1) ō or (2) mi. Cf. Gk. Λύ-ω, εί-µί, Lat. am-ō, su-m. The Strong and Weak Conjugations of O.E. are survivals of the ō-class. The four Anomalous Verbs mentioned above are the sole remains in O.E. of the mi-class. Note the surviving m in eom I am, and dōm I do (Northumbrian form). These mi-verbs are sometimes called non-Thematic to distinguish them from the Thematic or ō-verbs.
Conjugation of Anomalous Verbs.
Only the present indicative and subjunctive are at all irregular:
Indicative.
PRESENT.
| Person | bēon (wesan) | willan | dōn | gān |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sing. | ||||
| 1. | Ic eom (bēom) | wille | dō | gā |
| 2. | ðū eart (bist) | wilt | dēst | gǣst |
| 3. | hē is (bið) | wille | dēð | gǣð |
| 1. wē wē | ||||
| 2. gē gē | sind (on) | willað | dōð | gāð |
| 3. hīe hīe | ||||
Syntax & Usage — Wülfing
Loquentes translation from Wülfing. Wülfing wrote in German; the English below is a Loquentes translation. The Old English examples are Wülfing’s own and are reproduced exactly as printed. The cleaned German original follows in the collapsible block.
A. wesan, bēon.
381. 1. wesan, bēon as a notional verb. wesan, bēon appears as a notional verb in the most varied meanings; it denotes: a. existence, being present; b. being situated; c. remaining, staying; d. happening; e. taking place; f. going, being on the way; g. coming.
Wülfing's glosses on individual examples are kept where they carry his reading: at Or. 88, 10 he glosses the construction "(= ein volles Jahr darnach geschah es)", "a full year later it happened"; at Or. 606, 44 he explains "hier heißt es: da war es zwei Jahre her, daß …", "here it means: it was two years ago that …".
382. 2. wesan, bēon as an auxiliary verb. a. α. As an auxiliary, wesan, bēon serves to connect the predicate noun with the subject; the examples Wülfing reserves for the section on the predicate noun (second Hauptteil, I. Abschnitt, IV. Abteilung). β. The predicate may also be expressed by a combination with a preposition, as at Cp. 56, 20. b. As an auxiliary, wesan, bēon further appears with an infinitive joined by to, where it denotes the necessity or the futurity of the action; those examples he gives with the infinitive (see § 499).
On the combination of wesan, bēon with the genitive, dative and instrumental Wülfing refers to §§ 23, 24 (I. S. 30 ff.), 77 (I. S. 107 ff.), 80, 81, 83. a, 84. a (I. S. 133 ff.), 124. 7 and the note (I. S. 271).
Examples
hwelc mildsung siþþan wæs, siþþan se cristendom wæs
an sceppend is buton ælcum tweon
nis nan to þæs lytel æwelm
ælc þing mæg bion ge on ðisse worulde ge on þære toweardan
an is þæt heo is, oðer þæt heo scinð
he gegaderode eall sæwætru tosomne, swylce hi wæron on anum cylle
hire on westende is Scotland
þære Affrica norþwestgemære is æt þæm ilcan Wendelsæ
betux þære ie Indus & þære þe be westan hiere is
eal seo þeod, þe on East-Englum beoð
þa burgware sendon þa æfter Jesulause, þe mid heora here wæs in Asiam
ic eom nu mare ymbe þæt gecynd þonne ymbe þone willan
ða wæs sona æfter ðon, þæt smyltnes com Cristenra tida
ða wæs sona ðæs þe hi ineodon . . . ., ða ongnunnon hi . . . .
seo scynnes bið ðurh deofol, seo lustfulnys bið ðurh lichoman, seo geþafung biþ ðurh gast
ða wæs þæt Agustinus . . . gelaþode . . .
ða wæs þæt . . .
ða wæs æfter Æþelbyrhtes forþfore Eadbald his sunu feng to ðam rice
ða wæs ðy æfteran geare, com sum man
ond eac swa wæs swa swa heo bæd
ða wæs twa gear þæt he þæt biscopsetl swa sæt & heold, ða wæs he . . monad . . .
on þæm ilcan geare þe þiss wæs, Procos ongon ricsian
æfter þæm wæs an ger full (C.: fullice) þæt . . . seo eorþe wæs cwaciende
hu mæg hit butan ðæm bion ðætte ðæt mod . . . ðæt hit ne sie eft to gecirred
forþam hit bið, þætte nan man for his rice ne cymð to cræftum
forþam ðe seldhwonne biþ þætte auht manegum monnum anes hwæt licige
for þam þingum wæs gio þæt se wisa Catulus hine gebealg
hit wæs geo geond ealle Romana mearce, þæt heretogan . . . hæfdon mæstne weorþscipe
forþon ne sceal bisceopa halgung on oþre wisan wesan nemne on gesomnunge & on gewitscype ðreora oþþe feower bisceopa
forþon seo alyfede gemencgnyss wifes butan willan ðæs lichoman beon ne mæg
æfter þæm þe Romeburg getimbred wæs III hunde wintra & LXXVI, wæs in Achie eorþbeofung
nis nan wuht wynsumre ne gewisre ðonne þæt þing þæt þis spell ymbe is
hie wæron flocmælum þiderweard þæm oþrum to fultume
hwæþer he þæt land gecneowe þæt hie toweard wæron
þa him mon sæde þæt Octauianus þiderweard wæs
þa he þiderweard wæs mid fierde, þa gefor he on blodryne
bebead him ða, ðæt he geara wiste, þæt he hine næfre underbæc ne besawe, siþþan he þononweard wære
nu we witon þæt ealle onwealdas from him sindon
& bædon þæt hie tidlice hamweard wære & heora gehulpe
& begen þa consulas wæron mid firde angean Hannibal
hu mæg he bion ðonne butan gidsunge
Original German — Wülfing
A. wesan, beon.
381. 1. wesan, beon als Begriffszeitwort.
wesan, beon erscheint als Begriffszeitwort in den verschiedensten Bedeutungen; es bezeichnet:
a. Dasein, Vorhandensein: Or. 62, 34 hwelc mildsung siþþan wæs, siþþan se cristendom wæs; ebenso 194, 27. Bo. 112, 12 an sceppend is buton ælcum tweon; 126, 4 nis nan to þæs lytel æwelm; 230, 13 ælc þing mæg bion ge on ðisse worulde ge on þære toweardan; 29; 294, 28; 358, 26. So. 180, 11 an is þæt heo is, oðer þæt heo scinð. Ps. 32, 6 he gegaderode eall sæwætru tosomne, swylce hi wæron on anum cylle.
b. Sich befinden: Or. 8, 27 hire on westende is Scotland; 31 þære Affrica norþwestgemære is æt þæm ilcan Wendelsæ; 10, 21 betux þære ie Indus & þære þe be westan hiere is. Le. 106, Einleitung eal seo þeod, þe on East-Englum beoð.
c. Verweilen: Or. 98, 14 þa burgware sendon þa æfter Jesulause, þe mid heora here wæs in Asiam. Bo. 236, 14 ic eom nu mare ymbe þæt gecynd þonne ymbe þone willan (= tractamus; Cardale: I am speaking).
d. Geschehen: Be. 479, 5 ða wæs sona æfter ðon, þæt smyltnes com Cristenra tida; 487, 30 ða wæs sona ðæs þe hi ineodon . . . ., ða ongnunnon hi . . . .; 497, 13 seo scynnes bið ðurh deofol, seo lustfulnys bið ðurh lichoman, seo geþafung biþ ðurh gast; 502, 5 ða wæs þæt Agustinus . . . gelaþode . . .; und so erscheint diese unpersönliche Redewendung ða wæs þæt . . . am Eingang fast jedes Abschnittes und scheint oft gleichsam zum Adverb erstarrt zu sein: 504, 14; 506, 5; 36 ða wæs æfter Æþelbyrhtes forþfore Eadbald his sunu feng to ðam rice; auch solche un verbundene Anknüpfung (ohne þæt) ist häufig; 511, 12 ða wæs ðy æfteran geare, com sum man; 28; 524, 6; 530, 11; 531, 5; 532, 1, 29; 536, 9, 32; 537, 5; 539, 20; 540, 19; 541, 8; 543, 17 b; 547, 30; 550, 4, 12; 556, 28; 571, 27; 575, 10; 577, 34 ond eac swa wæs swa swa heo bæd; 579, 31; 580, 39; 587, 43; 592, 35; 595, 25, 33; 598, 35; 602, 3; anders: 606, 44 ða wæs twa gear þæt he þæt biscopsetl swa sæt & heold, ða wæs he . . monad . . ., hier heiſst es: da war es zwei Jahre her, daſs . . . .; 608, 27; 615, 4; 620, 29; 621, 20; 635, 17; 636, 24; 643, 36; 645, 21; 646, 7. Or. 60, 17 on þæm ilcan geare þe þiss wæs, Procos ongon ricsian; 88, 10 æfter þæm wæs an ger full (C.: fullice) þæt . . . seo eorþe wæs cwaciende (= ein volles Jahr darnach geschah es). Cp. 56, 9 hu mæg hit butan ðæm bion ðætte ðæt mod . . . ðæt hit ne sie eft to gecirred. Bo. 76, 29 forþam hit bið, þætte nan man for his rice ne cymð to cræftum; 100, 2 forþam ðe seldhwonne biþ þætte auht manegum monnum anes hwæt licige; 148, 13 for þam þingum wæs gio þæt se wisa Catulus hine gebealg; 156, 1 hit wæs geo geond ealle Romana mearce, þæt heretogan . . . hæfdon mæstne weorþscipe.
e. Statt finden: Be. 492, 6 forþon ne sceal bisceopa halgung on oþre wisan wesan nemne on gesomnunge & on gewitscype ðreora oþþe feower bisceopa; 495, 19 forþon seo alyfede gemencgnyss wifes butan willan ðæs lichoman beon ne mæg. Or. 100, 18 æfter þæm þe Romeburg getimbred wæs III hunde wintra & LXXVI, wæs in Achie eorþbeofung. Man vgl. Bo. 218, 14 nis nan wuht wynsumre ne gewisre ðonne þæt þing þæt þis spell ymbe is; vgl. auch die Bo.-Stelle unter c.
f. Gehen, auf dem Wege sein: Or. 200, 19 hie wæron flocmælum þiderweard þæm oþrum to fultume; 202, 3 hwæþer he þæt land gecneowe þæt hie toweard wæron; 246, 21 þa him mon sæde þæt Octauianus þiderweard wæs; 288, 26 þa he þiderweard wæs mid fierde, þa gefor he on blodryne. Bo. 264, 11 bebead him ða, ðæt he geara wiste, þæt he hine næfre underbæc ne besawe, siþþan he þononweard wære.
g. Kommen: Or. 58, 23 nu we witon þæt ealle onwealdas from him sindon; 98, 14 & bædon þæt hie tidlice hamweard wære & heora gehulpe; 186, 30 & begen þa consulas wæron mid firde angean Hannibal. Vgl. auch §§ 390. c., 393. c., 395. c., 396. Anm. 2.
382. 2. wesan, beon als Hülfszeitwort.
a. α. Als Hülfszeitwort dient wesan, beon dazu, das Prädikatsnomen mit dem Subjekte zu verbinden. Die Beispiele werde ich in dem Abschnitt übers Prädikatsnomen anführen; s. im zweiten Hauptteile I. Abschnitt, IV. Abteilung.
β. Das Prädikat kann auch durch eine Verbindung mit einer Präposition ausgedrückt sein, z. B.: Cp. 56, 20 hu mæg he bion ðonne butan gidsunge.
b. Als Hülfszeitwort erscheint wesan, beon ferner bei einem mit to verbundenen Infinitiv, wo es die Notwendigkeit oder die Zukunft der Handlung bezeichnet; die Beispiele führe ich beim Infinitiv an; s. § 499.
Über die Verbindung von wesan, beon mit Genitiv, Dativ und Instrumentalis vgl. §§ 23, 24 (I. S. 30 ff.)., 77 (I. S. 107 ff.), 80, 81, 83. a, 84. a. (I. S. 133 ff.), 124. 7 und Anm. (I. S. 271).
Source: Johann Ernst Wülfing, Die Syntax in den Werken Alfreds des Grossen, vol. 2, pp. 19-20, §§ 381, 382 (Die Hülfszeitwörter. A. wesan, beon). Scan authority: archive.org diesyntaxindenw00wlgoog; OCR extraction aid: Google Books GEwuAAAAMAAJ. Translator: Loquentes. Printed edition in the US public domain.
Loquentes Practice Reference
Our drill practices the present indicative of the four anomalous verbs. Smith notes that only the present indicative and subjunctive are “at all irregular”; the preterites are given as principal parts in the companion lesson.